The rest of the blog
From PwC’s colour-coded attendance dashboard to HSBC’s biometric checkpoints and the rise of Algorithmic Affect Management, the new wave of “bossware” represents less an innovation than the latest stage in capital’s long history of making workers legible. What began with the factory bell and the punch clock now extends to our faces, moods, and keystrokes.
Zarah Sultana’s interview in Sidecar captures the anger at Labour’s complicity in genocide and austerity, but it risks becoming another broad reformist project, haunted by the ghosts of Corbynism—vulnerable to sect capture, parliamentary illusions, and the same popular-front logic that has historically disarmed the working class.
Nigel Farage’s TikTok wunderkind wants us to imagine a Britain that never fought Hitler, kept its colonies, and models itself on Bukele’s prison state. This is not contrarianism; it is fascist nostalgia dressed up as common sense.
Alexander Dugin calls the Trump–Putin summit in Anchorage “splendid,” insisting the US and Russia must find an “understanding as superpowers.” The problem is that this fantasy of bipolar order flatters two declining states while obscuring the real forces shaping the 21st century.
With armed red-state troops patrolling a blue city, Trump is not protecting Washington; he is rehearsing the mechanics of civil war.
Every August, the right reheats its old contempt for higher education. Their complaint is not about debt or “Mickey Mouse” degrees, it is about closing the gates of knowledge, keeping universities for the dominant class and consigning everyone else to warehouses and call centres.
Dan Hodges’s Mail column denouncing Palestine Action as “terrorists” is not journalism but ideological policing, an attempt to criminalise dissent while excusing the real violence: Britain’s complicity in Gaza’s destruction.
Britain doesn’t need a softer Starmer or a greener liberalism—it needs a new party of revolutionary ecosocialism, built by those brave enough to walk out and fight for class power, not manage its decline.
The Conservative Party’s recent by-election failures highlight more than just their own incompetence. They point to a fundamental crisis within the capitalist system itself, a system which the Conservatives strive to preserve amidst increasing dysfunction.
The Labour Party’s hasty withdrawal of support for by-election candidate Azhar Ali over benign comments critical of Israel exemplifies a wider pattern of oversensitivity regarding any anti-Zionist perspectives in the post-Corbyn era.
The chaos of the “traditional” Boxing Day hunts has ended, with the saboteurs doing all they could to disrupt the hunts; yet we still saw a fox ripped apart by an out-of-control packs of hounds. It’s now time for the Labour Party to commit to ending the blood sport of the ruling class once and for all.
In this scathing critique, Simon Pearson eviscerates Labour leader Keir Starmer’s recent Chatham House speech on the Israeli action against Hamas, arguing his bourgeois perspective perpetuates imperialist myths and distracts from the radical struggle needed for Palestinian liberation.
In an apparently unwarranted display of political force, the Labour party finds itself entangled in internal power struggles, with Keir Starmer pursuing the undermining of his predecessor, Jeremy Corbyn.
In a Guardian article today, Matthew Goodwin, an academic on British politics, identifies three key hurdles that the Labour Party must overcome to regain electoral success: reconnecting with the working class, addressing concerns about immigration, and navigating the rise of populism. Goodwin’s opinions are particularly relevant as his new book, “Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics,” is set to be released on Thursday.
In this blog post, I delve into the complex dynamics of the Labour Party’s response to the war in Ukraine and challenge the oversimplified critiques presented by Kevin Bean in his Weekly Worker article. I emphasise the importance of a nuanced approach, party unity, and pragmatism, exploring the diverse perspectives within the Labour left and their contributions to the broader political discourse.
The contemporary left faces many challenges, including the absence of a powerful mass revolutionary party, and must navigate the complexities of modern struggles while adhering to Trotsky’s guidance, all while enduring the paradoxical nature of Starmer’s Labour Party.
