
Trump, Land, Dugin
Trump is not Land’s monarch nor Dugin’s tsar. He is their degraded symptom: the parody of a fascist synthesis of technology and tradition, replayed in the register of meme stock and casino populism.
The rest of the blog
Trump is not Land’s monarch nor Dugin’s tsar. He is their degraded symptom: the parody of a fascist synthesis of technology and tradition, replayed in the register of meme stock and casino populism.
From PwC’s colour-coded attendance dashboard to HSBC’s biometric checkpoints and the rise of Algorithmic Affect Management, the new wave of “bossware” represents less an innovation than the latest stage in capital’s long history of making workers legible. What began with the factory bell and the punch clock now extends to our faces, moods, and keystrokes.
Zarah Sultana’s interview in Sidecar captures the anger at Labour’s complicity in genocide and austerity, but it risks becoming another broad reformist project, haunted by the ghosts of Corbynism—vulnerable to sect capture, parliamentary illusions, and the same popular-front logic that has historically disarmed the working class.
Nigel Farage’s TikTok wunderkind wants us to imagine a Britain that never fought Hitler, kept its colonies, and models itself on Bukele’s prison state. This is not contrarianism; it is fascist nostalgia dressed up as common sense.
Alexander Dugin calls the Trump–Putin summit in Anchorage “splendid,” insisting the US and Russia must find an “understanding as superpowers.” The problem is that this fantasy of bipolar order flatters two declining states while obscuring the real forces shaping the 21st century.
With armed red-state troops patrolling a blue city, Trump is not protecting Washington; he is rehearsing the mechanics of civil war.
Every August, the right reheats its old contempt for higher education. Their complaint is not about debt or “Mickey Mouse” degrees, it is about closing the gates of knowledge, keeping universities for the dominant class and consigning everyone else to warehouses and call centres.
The modern-day barons don’t run trade unions, they sail £100 million yachts and bankroll governments. Yet it’s the rail cleaner or the guard who’s cast as the threat. What’s truly appalling is not that Eddie Dempsey wants to strike fast, but that workers can’t strike in solidarity with Palestinians, can’t refuse to load weapons bound for Gaza, can’t use their collective strength to win better conditions across sectors. The right fears not chaos—but class power.
A fighting union doesn’t necessarily need a celebrity leader but it does need militant democracy at every level.
In Solidarity Betrayed, Ana Avendaño takes aim at the labour institutions she once helped lead. Drawing on personal experience and survivor testimony, she reveals how trade unions, far from shielding their members, have too often shielded abusers instead
The new Employment Rights Bill announced by the Labour government is being trumpeted as a victory for workers, and on the surface, there are some real wins: day-one unfair dismissal rights, guaranteed hours for agency workers, stronger collective bargaining, and improved sick pay. But a closer look shows there’s still plenty missing, and, as ever, it will all come down to enforcement.
This letter from the GMB Women group highlights ongoing issues of bullying and harassment within the union, especially targeting women members. It calls for solidarity to address these problems and reinstate suspended members.
As revelations of systemic misogyny and abuse in prominent UK trade unions expose the corrupt old boys’ networks still clinging to power, sisters betrayed by false promises of reform continue their brave struggle for gender equality from below.
In this article, I examine the latest anti-trade union legislation proposed by the Tories, the response of the JCHR and discuss what the working class can do to resist it.
Examining allegations in the Transport and Salaried Staffs’ Association following the release of the Kennedy report.
An iconic photograph from the 1984/85 miners dispute.